This article examines the chronology of information received by the Vatican from Poland under Nazi occupation regarding the persecution and mass killing of Jews between June 1941 and the summer of 1943. It analyses the communication channels between Poland and the Holy See, assessing their reliability and trustworthiness. Furthermore, it considers the content of these sources and the Holy See’s response to this intelligence. By focusing on the archival practice, the article analyses Holocaust awareness in the Vatican. It demonstrates that Pius XII was extensively informed about the Final Solution from his trusted sources as it unfolded. The findings imply that this intelligence was concealed diplomatically by the Vatican, highlighting the previously opaque human element influencing backstage decision-making within the Secretariat of State, especially the previously unknown role of the future pope Paul VI as an inhibitor of the information flow about the Holocaust. The article proposes a departure from the interpretation that the Christmas speech of 1942 constituted the Vatican’s reaction to the Holocaust. The documents show that the decision on how to react to the genocide was taken already in the early fall of 1942. Additionally, the article reveals new insights into the attitudes of the Polish Church hierarchy towards the Holocaust. On the one hand, the article dismantles the myth surrounding Sapieha, while on the other, it illuminates the pivotal role played by Bishop Adamski in disseminating information about the unfolding Holocaust.

Jewish social care institutions and facilities in the Warsaw Ghetto employed some 3,000 workers.
Their mission was to help - usually with providing food - tens of thousands of people. The very
difficult working conditions among people living in unimaginable poverty, frustrated and in despair,
with the constantly changing level of ghetto social care capabilities and the necessity to choose who
was more deserving of help, created enormous tension in the staff. A whole range of difficult
emotions became their lot, causing them to adopt different attitudes toward their charges and
petitioners: from heroic commitment, generosity and activity to indifference and using resources to
their own advantage. The article attempts to outline this difficult psychological situation in which
social care practitioners found themselves. It relies primarily on diaries and notes written in the
ghetto and preserved in the Ringelblum Archive, as well as documentation of social care institutions.

The author focuses her attention on the “distribution of trust” vis-à-vis the “Aryan” environment, i.e. primarily on the criteria used by Jews in deciding to trust someone after escaping from the ghetto. The testimonies analyzed in the article are united by the fact that they were written during or just after the war, so they are as close as possible to the experience itself. Among many sources, ones have been selected in which three distinct models of trust are outlined. The first involves a complete reduction of trust, with the consequence of minimizing the risk of denunciation. This could have resulted, as can be seen from the post-war testimony of Ber Ryczywół, in a sense of tremendous agency. The second model of trust, derived from the analysis of Tadeusz Obremski’s wartime notes, the author calls transactional. This is because it resembles a commercial transaction and is based on a calculation of the trust recipient’s obligations. The third is the personal trust model, which is shown on the example of the post-war notes of Franciszka Grünberg. It differs from the previous one in that it is not based on rational calculation, but relies on emotional intelligence, which allows one to intuitively sense who to turn to for help.

The article is a case study. It contains a detailed analysis of the experience of several months of service in the Polish Armed Forces in the USSR, which was share of Roman Zimand a literary scholar and democratic opposition activist in the People’s Republic of Poland. His story is an interesting subject for researchers analyzing the reasons for the relatively small number of Polish Jews and Poles of Jewish descent in the Anders Army. It also reveals the consequences of the experience of rejection of some representatives of this national minority by the army of the state of their citizenship The reconstruction of the course of Zimand’s recruitment, his several-month sojourn in the army and the circumstances of his leaving, is based on a detailed analysis of the brief mentions of this episode in the scattered source material. Also the subject of reflection in the article is significance of this experience for his later political choices, especially his commitment to communism.

The article analyzes the complex and controversial figure of David Wdowinski, a leader of the Jewish Military Union (ŻZW) in the Warsaw Ghetto. The author emphasizes that Wdowinski, often accused of exaggerating his role and engaging in self-promotion, might have been susceptible to pathological defense mechanisms linked to the traumatic experiences he endured during the Holocaust. In Wdowinski’s accounts, there are inconsistencies and elements typical of mythological narratives, suggesting they might have been attempts to fulfill a need for recognition and protect a fragile sense of self-worth. According to the author, Wdowinski’s figure exemplifies the complex effects of war trauma, manifesting as a need for recognition and heroization. The article also examines the role of pathological narcissism and defense mechanisms in constructing a public image from which Wdowinski derived satisfaction but also faced humiliation. The author considers whether Wdowinski’s life, especially his later years, was marked by difficulty in balancing his pursuit of personal recognition with reality. Although some of his claims about participation in the Warsaw Ghetto underground were disputed, this narrative helped him maintain a positive self-image in the face of traumatic memories.

The article shows how psychology and history have influenced each other in the analyses conducted by scientists on the behavior of Holocaust victims, perpetrators and witnesses. It describes the path that social psychology has taken, beginning with Milgram’s famous experiment on obedience, moving through personality and ideological explanations (in which dehumanization and conspiracy theories function), then emphasizing the role of witnesses, and ending with instrumental motivation – looting. The analysis indicates that changes in the psychological approach to the Holocaust are occurring in parallel with the evolution of Holocaust historiography. There is now a greater emphasis on the study of bystanders' behaviors, ideological and instrumental motivation, and the motivating nature of anti-Semitic conspiracy theories that influenced the involvement in the crimes not only of Germans, but also of other European nations under occupation. 

For Polish-born writing-in-French novelist Anna Langfus (1920-1966), fiction writing ought to aim both at self-expression and other-communication. Chiefly concerned with the question of post-Shoah identity and refusing to reduce characters to the oversimplified position of victims, her narratives foreground the voice and experience of the survivor, while seeking ethical communication with readers. Hence, Langfus appeals to the common human-being-ness of characters and readers, through the evocation of universal emotions and feelings. Anger is one such emotion, and this contribution proposes to analyse the narrative and ethical role of anger in her first two novels: Le Sel et le soufre (1960) and Les Bagages de sable (1962). 

The article will first provide a quick overview of the conceptualisation and interpretation of anger in religious, philosophical, and psychological contexts. It will then include a reminder of the difficulties Shoah survivors met to be heard in the immediate post-war years in France and situate Langfus within her historical context. 

The second part of the discussion will examine episodes of anger in Langfus’ first two novels and propose an interpretation of anger as a tool harnessed by the protagonists to remain in contact with their lost loved ones and with their own intimate selves. 

The discussion will conclude on the ‘communicability’ inherent to Langfus depiction of anger, suggesting that the inscription of this ambivalent emotion allows the novelist to challenge stereotypical representation of post-Shoah survivors, while also, and perhaps more importantly, enabling her to call to an (ideal) reader, now drawn into a communal space of human frailty.

Diaries written by Jewish victims of the Holocaust played an extensive role since the beginning of researching the Shoah. In this study the authors analyzed a corpus of published diaries, which were written in occupied Poland during 1939 and 1945 through a closed-reading in the sense of a Reinhart Koselleck’s hermeneutical interpretation (1979) and by applying a psychoanalytic interpretation of the dream content with the help of the Zurich Dream Process Coding System (Moser & Zeppelin 1996; Moser & Hortig 2019). The dream-like narratives we extracted from the diaries` range from posttraumatic nightmares of persecution and violence to dream-like sequences like day-dreams, and alternative realities. The researchers present three single-cases of diaries that were written in hiding and within ghettos. They argue that the dreams depict a „psychic retreat” (Steiner 1993), a clinical concept that explains bastions of inner retreat where the dreamers are hardly reachable but safe from dreadful emotions. The authors use this concept for the understanding of the dreams in relation to the historical analysis of the course of the writers` lives and the ongoing existential death threat. Implications for future interdisciplinary collaborations are discussed.

In 1945–1946, nine Polish former prisoners of Nazi concentration camps (one Jewish and eight non-Jewish) living in Sweden as refugees were employed to record other Jewish and non-Jewish Poles’ experiences of persecution for history and justice. Although none of these individuals were psychologists, they believed recording the psychological aspects of witnessing was essential to their documentation work. The written testimonies they recorded, which are preserved in the archive of the Polish Research Institute in Lund, Sweden (PIZ), thus include revealing and often caring comments about the witnesses’ emotions and emotional responses during the interviews. I argue that this method made emotions integral to the testimonies and validated emotions as testimony. The significance of this argument is magnified when non-Jewish Poles interviewed Jewish Poles and vice versa since the comments reveal how they were relating to one another on a personal and sensitive level. This article builds on the author’s previous and ongoing analyses of these witness testimonies through close readings of the comments that consider the psychological aspects of witnessing. By contextualizing these comments and the testimonies they refer to alongside theories on the value of emotions for knowledge, the author explores what knowledge the method of recording witness testimonies contributed to creating in the early postwar period and what knowledge it creates now.

In the article, the authors summarize the changes that occurred during their 30-year experience of psychotherapy for Holocaust survivors. The program initiated by Professor Maria Orwid is the only psychotherapy program addressed to this group in Poland. The article describes how research on Polish participation in the Holocaust affected the inner world of participants in group therapy. The authors hypothesize that the survivors lived for years in a disassociated reality - on the one hand their personal experience was the wartime fear of Poles, on the other - they owed their survival to Poles. These two realities remained separate. Just as a person after a traumatic event can have a sense of two realities – one in which he or she experienced the trauma and another in which the event did not occur, the survivors did not combine these experiences. The subject of the description is a specific group - those who remained in Poland after the war (which was usually not their independent decision) but also did not leave in successive waves of migration, including the last one, after 1968. They had to peel away the knowledge of the Polish persecutors in order to live, start families and feel safe. And suddenly this reality, which they had not touched in their memories, became the subject of public debate. According to the authors, the external recognition of this part of their experience played a healing role, making it possible to talk about, hitherto absent, memories.

The approach of the survivors’ therapists changed as the program continued. During this time, a great deal of work was published worldwide on the consequences of the traumatic event and on trauma psychotherapy. The field of psychoanalysis saw a shift away from thinking in terms of denial as the main defense mechanism, and Ferenczi’s forgotten theories on dissociation gained prominence. The change in emphasis from denial to dissociation leads to the authors’ acceptance of variable and multi-level access to experience, which also applies to the survivors’ experiences discussed in psychotherapy.

The text presented here is a small part of the legacy of Rev. Prof. Józef Kruszyński (1877–1953), a theologian, rector of the Catholic University of Lublin (1925–1933), and at the same time, an anti-Semitic publicist, during the years of German occupation, administrator of the Lublin diocese. It consists of memoirs written in 1940–1941 and in 1953, and above all a diary kept from November 1942 to September 1945. The published text is a separate study written during the period of the final liquidation of the secondary ghetto in Lublin and the intensification of extermination activities in the General Government. The first part brings a discussion of the persecution of Jews, the second of the terror against the Polish population in the Lublin region throughout 1942.This is the first publication of Kruszyński's unique testimonies kept in the Library of the Higher Seminary in Włocławek, where they ended up after his death

We publish two hitherto unknown texts by Emanuel Ringelblum, written while he was hiding in the autumn of 1943. The first document is part of the answers to a 28-question survey by Ignacy Schwarzbart and sent from London to Jewish activists in Poland via the Government Delegation for Poland. Ringelblum, among other things, reports on the current living conditions of the remnant of Jews who had survived until then and estimates their number (including the number of those in hiding). In the second document, the essay ‘Losses and Reparations of the Jewish Population during the Second World War’, he develops threads from his answers to questions mentioned above by focusing on the losses (population, material, cultural) of Polish Jews and proposing a program of reparations (both financial and symbolic).

The study contains the previously unpublished diary of Pinkus Blumenfeld, the original of which is in the Kibbutz Ghetto Fighters House Archives. No further details about the author are available; it is known that during the Warsaw Uprising he was hiding with his 12-year-old son Jerzy in the Old Town. He left behind a unique document, a testament to his dramatic efforts to survive in fighting Warsaw.

Accounts of two women who survived the occupation period, including the so-called third phase of the Holocaust, in the Biłgoraj county under different conditions and circumstances. Estera Fefer owed her survival primarily to herself and other Jews hiding in the forest, but also to Soviet partisans. Tema Wajnsztok survived thanks to her own determination and the help of numerous villagers with whom she hid, worked and received food. She also experienced the violence that was omnipresent at the time. Both accounts were given and written down at different times, places and by different institutions (in 1946 by the Central Jewish Historical Commission and in 1960 by Yad Vashem), which certainly influenced their narrative. The introduction includes biographical information about both authors and their families. Both texts are of very high factual and emotional value. They are complemented by photographs taken before, during and after the war.

The article describes the correspondence collected in the State Archive in Rzeszow from 1944–1945 produced by Jewish survivors in the East. The senders were Jews from Rzeszów and the surrounding area, who were trying to find relatives in their former places of residence, as well as relatives displaced by the Germans from areas annexed to the Reich (including Lodz and Kalisz) and from Cracow. The addressees were mainly family members, friends, neighbors, schoolmates, as well as municipal institutions and the Jewish Committee in Rzeszów. The letters are very emotional in tone, many of them containing personal messages addressed to loved ones, who, however, never read them. Some of the letters provide numerous details about the wanted persons, their place of residence and employment before the war, the topography of the city, and the fate of the deportees themselves. They also contain some information about the living conditions and occupation of the survivors in the USSR, although rather sparse due to censorship. The correspondence is a contribution to discovering the fate of specific individuals and families, particularly those connected with Rzeszow.

This text presents the place of the Holocaust in oral history accounts recorded in Poland over the past twenty years. In order to do so, the author reaches back to the methodological roots of this trend, describes the methodological peculiarities and the most important themes present in Polish oral history, and reviews the main centers and communities that record and archive interviews. She then indicates how this resource can be useful to Holocaust researchers. In the final section, the author poses the question, why, despite its enormous potential, oral history resources, especially interviews with Polish witnesses, are not used as a historical source by Polish researchers.

The author presents the thesis that once unleashed, violence can never be curbed, made a local event. It spills over, penetrates through the cracks, chews through the walls and partitions placed in its path. But people forget this. And this is the research question of the text. What is this belief that violence can be enclosed in some kind of framework, separated and watched only as it rages somewhere out there, behind a wall, abroad, or behind the windows of a building, when someone is beaten or raped in the street? The author formulates the assumption that such a belief in the limitation of violence is only possible when a person, people, some part of them, denounce the commonality of fate to another person, other people, some other part of society.

Michal Bilewicz looks at the title problem from the point of view of psychology - yet it should be appreciated that he does not limit himself to his discipline. The author of this essay, written in the margins of the book, considers within the framework of history the usefulness of the concept of “trauma” for explaining observed phenomena. While recognizing the importance of trauma in the history of societies, he points out that it has practically never acted and does not act as the sole causal factor. The analyzed cases are considered by both authors on the example of different countries. The issue of leading a nation out of historical trauma is also addressed. Changes are needed in the teaching of history in schools, including consideration of trauma-generating issues as broad phenomena, including as problems not limited to individual nations. 

This article is focusing on Adolf Gerteis, chairman of the Eastern Railway and head of the General Department of the Iron Railway in the administration of the General Government. Although the role of the Eastern Railway in transporting Jews to extermination camps is now largely recognized, Gerteis, as a member of the German occupation authorities who belonged to neither the police nor the SS, remained mostly outside the interest of the judiciary and historians. Immediately after the end of the war, it was proposed that Poland seek his extradition, but the relevant procedure was not undertaken. Gerteis was then questioned by the liaison officer of the Polish Military Mission. He downplayed his role; he claimed that he did not make decisions on organizing transports to the camps, and did not even know about the Holocaust. The author confronts this testimony with surviving documents and proves that Gerteis knew much more about the process of murdering Jews than he declared after the war.

The article presents the origins, functioning and the liquidation of Sammellager Bogusze, one of five collective transit camps in the Bialystok District, intended for the Jewish population under the „Reinhardt” action. It detained Jews from Augustów, Grajewo, Rajgród, Goniadz, Stawiska, Szczuczyn, Trzcianne and the camp in Milewo. The author determined that about 7.5 thousand Jews were imprisoned in Sammellager Bogusze. Of these, 4.5 thousand were murdered at Treblinka extermination center (December 16, 1942) and 2 thousand at Auschwitz II Birkenau (January 7, 1943). Approximately 1 thousand died on the spot and are buried in the camp cemetery in Bogusze

Analizując różne, na ogół dotąd nieznane lub słabo wykorzystane materiały z okresu okupacji, autor omawia postawy Polaków wobec Żydów od jesieni 1941 r. do lata 1944 r. w dystrykcie lubelskim. Cezurę wyznacza z jednej strony rozporządzenie generalnego gubernatora Hansa Franka z 15 października 1941 r. o karze śmierci za samowolne opuszczanie przez Żydów wyznaczonych dzielnic mieszkaniowych oraz niesienie im pomocy, z drugiej − koniec niemieckiej okupacji. Był to szczególnie tragiczny i niebezpieczny dla Żydów czas, kiedy często bezskutecznie szukali schronienia przed nieuchronnie grożącą śmiercią. Skazani na zagładę Żydzi byli masowo mordowani w ramach Einsatz Reinhardt podczas brutalnych deportacji, w komorach gazowych obozów zagłady, ale także w trakcie licznych obław, w których obok organizujących je Niemców niejednokrotnie uczestniczyły formacje pomocnicze. Zdarzało się, że uciekinierów z gett wyłapywała samodzielnie miejscowa ludność, odstawiając ich do najbliższych posterunków policji lub bez niczyjej wiedzy mordując. Artykuł odsłania nie tylko te najmroczniejsze postawy, przybliża także represje, jakie dotykały Polaków, podejmujących się trudu pomocy Żydom, pomimo drakońskich sankcji W pracy nad tekstem wykorzystano dokumenty głównie z archiwów polskich, ale też zagranicznych. Znalazły się wśród nich materiały publikowane przez sąd (specjalny i okręgowy), władze policyjne i cywilne, w tym m.in. meldunki, raporty, akta osobowe policjantów, nakazy aresztowania, Książkę Stacyjną, zeznania, protokoły posiedzeń sołtysów, jak i pozyskane przez PCK informacje o więźniach Zamku w Lublinie. Po źródła powojenne sięgano sporadycznie, gdy było to uzasadnione. Taki dobór materiałów pozwolił na nakreślenie szerszej panoramy postaw Polaków wobec Żydów i wynikających z tego konsekwencji.

The subject of this article is an analysis of the documents of the court proceedings against Aron “Arek” Jakubowicz, suspected of a crime under Article 1 of the PKWN Decree of August 31, 1944. The head of the Central Bureau of Labor Ministries in the Litzmannstadt Ghetto was arrested in Lodz in November 1945, and after considering the evidence gathered, was released in December of that year. The charges against him were deemed unfounded, motivated only by personal animosities. The picture emerging from official documents has been supplemented with information from testimonies, written and oral accounts of Lodz Ghetto survivors who came into contact with Jakubowicz or with whom he had closer ties, whether social or family (the case of Bernard Fuchs). The article also refers to materials from the family archive, not available to outsiders, which are now in the custody of Jakubowicz’s grandchildren

Among the notable publications issued by the Central Jewish Historical Commission [CŻKH] in 1945 there was the only photo album in its portfolio, “The Holocaust of Polish Jewry,” by Gerszon Taffet. It provides an important starting point for considering how the language and visuality of the Holocaust were shaped just after the war – under the influence of political, social, but also technical factors or those resulting from the state of available documents themselves. The album, which documents the state of memory and visual awareness as to the fate of Polish Jews in the first months after the war, establishes a narrative that to a large extent encapsulates and anticipates the dominant portrayal of the Holocaust today. The article describes both the process of the CŻKH’s acquisition of the photos and their subsequent use in the work on the album – reconstructing the circumstances of its creation and distribution. In the album itself, the use of photography as a medium that speaks for itself, so to speak, also becomes an important factor, so the article also undertakes an analysis of its construction and the way in which meanings are constructed. The album “Holocaust of Polish Jewry” and the collection of photographs collected by the CŻKH, found in the collection of the E. Ringelblum Jewish Historical Institute, were used as research material.

Dr. Henryk Beck (1896-1946), a gynecologist-obstetrician, survived the Holocaust in Lviv and Warsaw, and hid in the ruins of the city after the fall of the Warsaw Uprising. He is the author of a pictorial diary containing nearly 1,700 works from the period 1937–1946, including more than 900 from the war. This material shows a complementarity with the written sources, and the combined analysis of the sources allows a partial reconstruction of Beck’s wartime biography, which has not been worked out in detail so far. The sources reveal the social degradation that Beck, a representative of the Polish intellectual elite, experiences during the war. Maneuvering through the realities of the Soviet and Nazi persecution, he confronts the different attitudes of those around him, as well as the personal tragedy of the suicidal death of his father, Professor Adolf Beck. Although he receives help - especially from his wife Jadwiga and friends - and is clearly privileged in this regard, living in hiding, in mortal danger, he experiences stigmatization, dependence and emptiness, and even a loss of a sense of agency. The foundations of his identity as a Pole, a Jew, a doctor and an artist are shaken. He paints his experiences both literally and metaphorically, and the artistic language he uses conveys his high social status and reflects his immersion in the aesthetics of the interwar period. 

The article reconstructs the knowledge of the Catholic Church in Poland about the rescue of Jews during the Holocaust, shows how it was recorded in the ecclesiastical space, what was 'saved from oblivion', and how it was used in the public space, including in pastoral teaching. 

The article discusses the development of museums and permanent exhibitions on the Holocaust of the past three decades. Its thesis is that in recent years there have been significant changes in the way the Holocaust is being presented in museums. Firstly, there has been a rediscovery of “Holocaust objects”, though the way they are presented differs substantially from what we know from early memorial museums. Secondly, we witness a shift towards more abstract and conceptual forms of presenting the Holocaust. New museums and exhibitions are breaking the bipolar division between documentary and experiential displays that has dominated the European museum landscape in the recent decades. The article takes a closer look at four museums and historical exhibitions opened in Europe in the last five years: the permanent exhibition at the Museum and Memorial in Sobibór (2020), the gallery “Catastrophe” at the Jewish Museum Berlin (2020), the Holocaust Galleries at the Imperial War Museum London (2021), and the National Holocaust Museum in Amsterdam (2024). The author also cites other examples from Europe and the United States.

107,000 of the 140,000 Jews living in the Netherlands, occupied by Nazi Germany since May 1940, were deported between July 1942 and September 1944 to death camps in Auschwitz, Sobibor, Belzec and Bergen Belsen. There were 5200 survivors. In the countries of Western Europe conquered by the Third Reich, this marks a tragic record both in percentage terms (76% of the Jewish community) and in absolute numbers. The National Holocaust Museum (NHM), which opened in Amsterdam in May 2024, has set itself the goal of comprehensively depicting the persecution and extermination of Dutch Jews, as the forms of commemoration that had previously been created were deemed inadequate. In pursuing this goal, the NHM's originators were guided above all by the idea of reaching a young audience, which in the Netherlands is multiethnic and multicultural and whose historical education in schools at all levels is vestigial. They opted for a chronologically guided narrative, unencumbered by details, but clearly showing the mechanism of the Holocaust: from the social exclusion of Jews by non-Jews, depriving them step by step of all their rights through the methodical plunder of property and forced labor, to the deportation to the Westerboerk and Vaught camps, and from there in cattle cars “to the East.” The NHM curators hoped that the exhibition would encourage visitors “to get involved and adopt a civic attitude.” That's why they focused on individual fates rather than abstract numbers, and entrusted the role of carriers of emotion to inconspicuous objects saved by a miracle, which are supposed to make visitors see loved ones in those to whom the objects belonged. The author reports on the solutions applied by the curators, pointing out the elements which, in her opinion, constitute the strength of the NHM and the high class of its exhibition, but she also shares her critical remarks and doubts about the effectiveness of the impact of the exhibition formula adopted by its creators on the most important target group of visitors for them, i.e. Dutch high school and university students.

In the article, the author presents a subjective proposal for summarizing the period 2000–2024 in Polish literature about the Holocaust, guided by the criteria of dominant aesthetic trends, such as post-memory and popular literature. She points out that in terms of the involvement of memory styles, it was the most diverse period in post-war literature, with a growing predominance of fictionalization and a tendency to mix personal documents with literary fiction. She also puts forward the thesis that the increasingly exuberant genre trend is not completely independent of the disputes over the memory of the Holocaust taking place in the country at that time, but its proper interpretation requires research combining stories considered kitschy or entertaining with the politics of memory. In the article, the author also interprets selected literature about the Holocaust (including Memoir of Blumka by Iwona Chmielewska, memoirs by Irit Amiel, and Podziemny Muranów by Jacek Leociak).

The author, who is a co-author of the complete edition of Ringelblum Archive. Conspiratorial Archive of the Warsaw Ghetto, presents in the article the efforts to publish the documents preserved in the Ringelblum Archive ensemble stored at the Jewish Historical Institute and the stages of work on subsequent volumes. The text consists of two parts: an attempt to reconstruct the path to the decision on this and not another form of editing (reconstruction) and a presentation of the experiences associated with it (recapitulation).

The article is a review of the book Holokaust. (Nie)odrobiona lekcja historii by Robert Szuchta and Piotr Trojański (Kraków-Warszawa 2023). The textbook allows to trace the long-term and multi-stage process of dehumanizing Jews – from the repressions and legal, social and economic restrictions to anti-Jewish violence and extermination during the Second World War. Thanks to the extensive teaching apparatus, this publication has a significant educational value. It poses important questions and provokes to think.