The volume has two thematic blocks: the 80th anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising and post-war “account settling” between Poles and Jews . This anniversary publication opens with an extremely important text by the Israeli researcher Havi Dreifuss on the establishment and functioning of the Jewish Fighting Organization command. Among other things, it brings an analysis of one of the most important documents of the time, a letter from Mordechai Anielewicz to Yitzhak Cukierman, the the JFO representative on the Aryan side, quoted in versions that differ significantly from each other. The second study by Sharon Geva deals with the role of women in the Jewish underground. It is supplemented by accounts written during the occupation by leaders of Poale ZionLeft Pola Elster and Hersh Berlinski, a member of the ZOB command. Elster's notes portray the early days of the uprising, while Berlinski's texts, concerning the establishment of the JFO and the subsequent events, are published in a revised version and supplemented by excerpts not published in the first edition that deal, among other things, with the perception of the Polish underground. The next two articles address the issue of the memory of the uprising in Poland. Jacek Leociak analyzes commemorations in three periods: the earliest ones, from 1944–1945, from the critical year 1968 as well as contemporary ones.

An interesting addition is Joanna Bachura-Wojtasik's discussion of the content of Polish Radio broadcasts in the uprising anniversary context. An integral part of the uprising block is a profile of Adolf Berman, one of the leaders of the Jewish National Committee by his son Emanuel, supplemented by three texts devoted to the fate of his archive. The "Materials" section publishes documents compiled by Maria Ferenc on the plans to rescue activists of Jewish organizations, an unpublished account by a man known as Maur about hiding in a bunker in the early days of the post-war period written down on the Aryan side (edited by Barbara Engelking), and the diary of ten-year-old Rutka Goldman deported to Majdanek (provided by Marta Grudzińska). The "Holocaust Commemoration" section includes, among others, an article by the prominent violinist Maria Sławek on music performed in the context of the anniversary.

Mordechai Anielewicz is known as the leader of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. However, a re-examination of documents and testimonies raises significant questions about Anielewicz’s role and authority in the Jewish Fighting Organization. Based on a careful reading of these sources, the author of the article places Anielewicz in a broad historical context and sheds light on the methods of the ŻOB both before and during the uprising, thus enabling a renewed and in-depth assessment of Jewish resistance in the Warsaw Ghetto.

The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising broke out on April 19, 1943 when the German forces entered the ghetto to liquidate it. It was the most wide-ranging, extended and most famous Jewish resistance in occupied Europe during the Holocaust. Studies have already shown that although the Jewish undergrounds had a major part in it, the Jewish population in the ghetto that was hiding in the bunkers also had an important part in this Uprising. Women took part in both of them.

As female fighters in the Jewish Undergrounds, the ŻOB (Żydowska Organizacja Bojowa) and the ŻZW (Żydowski Związek Wojskowy), women fired guns, threw bombs, stood guard and linked battle positions. Doing that, they crossed the boundaries of gender and fought like the men did. Women hid in bunkers and fought for the lives of those close to them, first and foremost children, and for their own lives. This article examines the life and death of women in the Warsaw Ghetto during the Uprising, and the impact their participation in the Uprising had on their status and roles as women.

The article looks at three aspects in the lives of Jewish women in the Warsaw Ghetto in three aspects. First, as female fighters in the underground, who participated in battles and carried out the same roles as the men. Second, as mothers who struggled to protect their children’s lives and to tend to their physical and mental needs. Third, as daughters, girls and young women, who stood at the forefront of the struggle to save their families and survive.

Yet, as the article shows, during those 27 horrible days, women kept their traditional roles as women, and existing gender boundaries remained. The combination between their inherent inferiority as women in a patriarchal society and the total destruction of the getto and the displays of brutality by the Germans degraded them to the abyss in the struggle to maintain a human image, certainly to stay alive. In all matters, the traditional division of sex roles remained solid. Their methods of coping and expressions of resistance did not blur the boundaries of gender.

The publication contains a complete Polish edition of notes of Poale Zion-Left party activist and member of the command of the Jewish Fighting Organisation (ZOB), Hersh Berlinski (1908–1944), written when he was hiding in Warsaw in 1944. Compared to the editions published in the first half of the 1960s, the new material includes passages considered by the editors to be less important, and above all those removed for censorship reasons. The edition of previously published excerpts is based on the existing translation revised by Adam Kopciowski, who also translated unpublished portions of the text. The introductory section presents Hersh Berliński, his fate during the war, the circumstances of his death, and the characteristics of previous editions.

We are publishing a testimony of Pola Elster (1911–1944), one of the leaders of Poale Zion-Left and a co-organizer and member of the Jewish Fighting Organization in the Warsaw Ghetto. The testimony, probably intended by the author as an introduction to her memories from the Poniatowa labor camp, contains harrowing descriptions of the Umchlagplatz and of the transport to the camp. The narrative breaks off when the train arrives in Lublin. The testimony is not dated but was certainly written between the fall of 1943 and the summer of 1944. It was published in 1949 In the original language (Polish) by the Poale Zion biweekly Nasze Słowo. It is preceded by a biography of Pola Elster, as well as a brief description of her legacy.

The article presents references to the events that took place in the Warsaw Ghetto between 19 April and 16 May 1943. The source basis consists of documents, political party platforms, accounts and personal testimonies, and above all the underground press from the time of the occupation and published in Poland after 1945 (with references to Polish-language Israeli newspapers). The author reconstructs a fragment of the public discourse on the successive anniversaries of the outbreak of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising and the rhetorical mechanisms for its implementation. Embedded in this discourse is the project of forming a collectiva awareness of the uprising, Jews and the Holocaust, as well as Polish-Jewish relations Turing the war. Between the outbreak of the ghetto uprising to 1989 – the symbolic end of the People’s Republic of Poland – particularly noteworthy are the year 1943, when patterns of expression are formed in the heat of the moment, the years 1943–1944, late 1967, early 1968, and 1983. In this first time frame, the underground press in occupied Poland was still free. Thus, different positions and tendencies are revealed in a free and unhindered manner. In “People’s Poland”, the press market had undergone a fundamental change of character. Except for a brief period of relative pluralism (the Jewish press ceased to exist in 1949), public discourse was monopolized and the space of public communication was taken over and nationalized. Therefore, the years 1945–1948 appear particularly interesting, as other interpretations of the uprising are still published apart from the official communist one. The monopoly of public expression about the uprising was broken in 1983, with articles, reports and interview appearing in the independent underground press. Only two periods of crucial importance for the formation of public discourse on the anniversaries of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising are discussed in the article. Between 1943 and 1944, the basic canons for speaking and Whiting about the fighting in the Jewish quarter are established, and the battle for the right of the presence of the word “uprising” itself in the communication space is played out. In 1968, the discourse on commemorating the uprising was given its canonical form. The author analyzes its components – what they are: insurrection; Polish aid; rivalry for martyrdom; common fate, common struggle, and common goal. A kind of epilogue to the presented review of forms of public discourse in connection with the anniversaries of the uprising is a description of the rhetoric used eighty years after its outbreak, in 2023.

In this article, the author undertakes a descriptive analysis of the journalistic broadcasts on Polish Radio over the years. These are radio materials dealing with the anniversaries of the outbreak of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising in April 1943. She has taken the years 1945–1989 as the temporal caesura. The author is interested in how the anniversaries were communicated each year, the narrative of the broadcasts and the issues addressed in them. In the research, the method of quantitative-qualitative analysis of the content of radio broadcasts was used. In this manner, it was possible to grasp the dynamics of the anniversary broadcasts, how the subject was raised or muted; to isolate the radio genres in which the topic appeared; and to look at how the issue was framed and shaped the Polish Holocaust discourse at the time. The research is consonant with the memory studies. Immediately after the war, as well as in the 1950s, an apologetic image of Poles was shaped, which exploded with an even greater force in the propaganda narrative of the 1960s with an exaggerated emphasis on Polish assistance to their Jewish brethren as a common attitude during the German occupation. The Polish combatants have become synonymous with the national struggle, and elements of Polonization can be seen in the exposition of the theme of their alleged assistance to the struggling ghetto. In the 1980s, journalists and radio reporters returned to the issue of the Holocaust and the ghetto uprising, however on the whole, the collective image of Poles remained intact. It was only in the early days of Poland’s political transformation heralded an opening to the issues of Polish-Jewish relations, including a reworking of the difficult history. Was it successful? That remains a matter of debate to this day. It is hard not to get the impression that the narrative of radio reports of 1945–1989 was downright hostile to anything that deviated from the designer thinking about oneself and the nation. One may ask: “Was it necessary to mount an attack to defend ‘Polish sensibility’”?

This paper reviews the life of Adolf Abraham Berman (1906–1978). It starts with his family of origin, his youth in Warsaw, his studies of psychology at the University of Warsaw, his Elary political activities and his marriage. A central section describes his life and activities Turing the Nazi occupation of Poland, first in the Warsaw Ghetto and later under assumed identity on the Aryan side. His leadership position of Polish Jews after the war is discussed, as well as his immigration to Israel in 1950 and his roles and activities during the last decades of his life.

Basia Temkin-Berman, co-founder of the archive of the Jewish National Committee, describes its creation, the organization of the collection and the fate of the materials.

The text deals with the documentation activities of the Jewish National Committee (ŻKN). The article explains the context of the establishment of the ZKN and describes one of its most important projects, namely the documentation of Jewish life and death during the Second World War. From the text we learn what the process of collecting information, copying it and transmitting it to the public was like.

The article is dedicated to the unique story of Kibbutz Lohamei Hagetaot, a communal community of Holocaust survivors. Their aim was to rebuild their life together side by side with a strong obligation to commemorate the near past. They established the Ghetto Fighters’ House, the first museum in the world for the heritage of the Holocaust and Jewish Resistance. The main thesis of the article arguing that it is impossible to understand and accurately assess the circumstances in which those Kibbutz and museum established without taking into consideration the centrality of the close personal relationship between Yitzhak Tabenkin, leader of the Hakibbutz Hameuchad movement with which the kibbutz was affiliated and a group of the kibbutz members, mainly Zivia Lubetkin and Yitzhak (Antek) Zuckerman, a married couple, who had been among the leaders of the Jewish Fighting Organization in the Warsaw Ghetto (Żydowska Organizacja Bojowa, or ŻOB). Those two were symbols of the movement’s heroic past. This relationship was beneficial for the kibbutz but periodically sparked internal discord between its members, revolving primarily around the continued financial commitment to maintaining the museum and to holding its annual memorial ceremony. In addition, the Hakibbutz Hameuchad movement adopted the Ghetto Uprising as a central ethos of its political and educational being. This ethos was not limited to a demand for the public recognition of formative rights from the past; it also served as a source of power in the present. One of the major banners waved by the movement was the complete repudiation of relations with West Germany. Furthermore, the activity of the Ghetto Fighters’ House served as an arena for a series of struggles against other initiatives to commemorate the memory of the Holocaust and the Uprising, first with Hashomer Hatzair movement and later with Yad Vashem. The intensity of these struggles stemmed directly from the Israeli political present.

In summary, the first decade of Kibbutz Lohamei Hagetaot could be characterized as a constant arena of struggle, both with internal and external levels. The kibbutz’s economic hardship during the years in question, on the one hand, and the commitment to the movement commemoration agenda, on the other hand, also affected the social situation of the Kibbutz. As a result of the thawing relations with West Germany, Hakibbutz Hameuchad proceeded under a banner of complete repudiation and a group of members of the Kibbutz positioned themselves at the forefront of the struggle: initially because they had answered the call of the movement, and later as a pressure group and a voice of conscience on the issue. The major reason for the change was the fact that although the struggle helped bolster the movement’s glorious past, it weakened its political present. In other words, commemoration became a success story: The museum, and the widely attended memorial ceremonies, despite the tensions with Hashomer Hatzair and Yad Vashem. Whereas electoral failure weakened the influence of Ahdut Ha’avoda (The political party of Hakibbutz Hameuchad) and pushed it onto the sidelines of changing Israeli society.

Even during the war and the German occupation, laws to regulate the preservation of evidence were established in Central and Eastern European countries so that Nazi crimes committed there could be prosecuted in the long term. As part of the preparatory activities, evidence was systematically collected. After the war, a total of over 1,800 Nazi criminals were extradited to Poland to be brought to justice. Among them were many members of the German civilian administrative apparatus, including town and county governors, who bore considerable responsibility for German occupation policy at the lowest level of the administration. The article describes, based on representative examples, the process of administering punishment for their crimes and offenses. The beginning of this process was the systematic collection and securing of evidence. The next stage, i.e. the tracking down of the perpetrators in post-war Germany, their internment, and then the attempts to bring them to Poland. The reasons for the dismissal of extradition requests are discussed, as well as the reactions and concerns of the Nazi criminals. A larger number of typical examples made it possible to examine the judicial proceedings in Poland and answer further questions: under what general legal conditions did they take place? What were the difficulties in carrying out the trials? How did public opinion respond? The article concludes with a closer look at the fate of the tried Nazis after their release from prison.

The article is a discussion and analysis of more than a dozen investigations and criminal proceedings conducted in the years 1945–1975 in Germany (East Germany and West Germany) and in the People’s Republic of Poland concerning the crimes committed by German Police and civil administration officers, gendarmes, border policemen and Poles in German service from the occupation area of Miechów county. The author discusses how the investigations were carried out: the collection and evaluation of the credibility and the cognitive value of the evidence, especially of survivor testimonies, defense strategies of the accused, the harshness of sentences handed down, and the contacts between the Central Office of the State Justice Administrations for the Investigation of National Socialist Crimes (Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen) in Ludwigsburg and the German prosecutors and the Main Commission for the Investigation of Nazi Crimes in Poland and the District Commission in Cracow. The source base consists of documents from the Institute of National Remembrance branches in Cracow and Kielce, the Yad Vashem Archives, as well as several published verdicts.

Drawing on court records of the post-war trials of Nazi collaborators accused of, among other things, crimes against Jews, this article examines the testimony of Jewish and non-Jewish witnesses and attempts to answer the questions of: first, how representatives of post-war local communities constructed the definition of “collaboration” as a set of moralny reprehensible practices, which stigmatized the perpetrators and relegated them outside of the community vis-a-vis other forms of cooperation with the German authorities, which were considered morally neutral, socially harmless and undeserving of penalization; second, what forms of complicity in anti-Jewish violence were revealed in the very process of negotiating the definition of collaboration. Our microstudy focuses on five trials of Nazi collaborators from two former shtetls of the Lublin region, with sizeable Jews populations before the Holocaust: Biłgoraj and Izbica. Analyzing court proceedings under the so-called “August-decree” in the context of other sources, including Yizkor books, memoirs, oral-history interview and individual interviews with local community members, Holocaust survivors and their descendants, this article probes into the implications that the definition of “collaboration” had for local Holocaust memory.

Icek Lerner of Komarówka Podlaska wanted to bring about the conviction of the perpetrators of the murder of six members of his immediate family in the village of Przegaliny near Komarówka, and his partner Estera Rybak (and formerly her daughter) in Warsaw. He identified the murderers and demonstrated the course of events. His efforts proved fruitless. Years later, the case was taken up by his son, Rony Lerner, also to no avail. The article, a case study of survivor Icek Lerner’s attempt to seek justice also addresses, using his later descriptions of his experiences during the Holocaust as an example, the question of the reliability of testimonies given many years after the fact.

The primary task of the Social Court of the Central Jewish Committee in Poland was to pass judgement “in cases of misconduct by a member of the Jewish community during the Nazi occupation unbefitting a Jewish citizen, through his participation and harmful activity in the Jewish Councils, the ghetto police, concentration camp administration or other cooperation with the occupying forces to the detriment of society”, according to the rules established by this court. The Social Court was established in September 1946, and operated until 1950. In the text, the author analyzes the files collected in the Citizens’ Tribunal (of the Central Committee of Polish Jews, CKŻP) collection in the Archives of the Jewish Historical Institute, archive no. 313. Their reading, as she tries to demonstrate, reveals to the researcher the insufficiently explored areas of women’s experience of the Holocaust, the boundaries of chich were marked by female physicality and the social roles attributed to women, which were not always directly related to it.

This article focuses on a cluster of institutions rooted in Polish rural life that were co-opted by German authorities into the lowest level of rule in occupied Poland from 1939–1945. It identifies these institutions as key meso-level structures that shaped the behavior of individuals on the ground. Specifically, it places the axis of analysis on the figure of the village head (sołtys). It argues that the village security system, combined with the introduction of collective responsibility and imminent violence, was at the heart of a process of community-making, in chich village heads inescapably played an important role. In this new dynamic of accountability, notions of “community” and “belonging” evolved relative to notions of “security” and “self-preservation” in the changing circumstances of life under occupation. The reimagined community forged in this wartime crucible was one of transformed identities, ingrained ethnic categories, new lines of solidarity, and new antagonisms. A collective biographical approach to village heads in this period culminates in the collective ethical dilemma as a category of historical analysis. The article draws primarily on testimonies found in postwar August Decree trials of individuals tried for collaboration in historic Western Galicia or District Krakow of the General Government. It employs a thick description of the subject to map personal narratives onto the broader social processes under examination.

The author presents M. Maur’s account of a bunker fire during the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising (previously unpublished), preserved in the Adolf Berman Archive.

The article is an attempt to answer questions about the fate of a girl, the owner of a „school diary” found on the grounds of the former German concentration camp at Majdanek. Who was the owner of the diary, what was the fate of her family? Did anyone in the diary survive? The diary was kept from December 1941 to March 1943. The last entry was made in Warsaw, several days before the ghetto uprising.

The selection of letters and dispatches published here, sent by members of the Jewish underground to their comrades and allies outside of occupied Poland, provides insight into the history of the Jewish underground in the period after the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, between June 1943 and March 1944, which still demands deeper research. The letters and dispatches were sent both on behalf of the Jewish National Committee (ŻKN), which brought together the activities of various organizations, and to activists of individual political movements (Poale Zion Left, Dror, and others). This correspondence is currently stored in various archival collections in Israel (Kibbutz of Ghetto Fighters), the US (Holocaust Museum in Washington), and the UK (Study of Underground Poland).
The thread that unites the documents published here is the issue of the search for the rescue of Jews who survived the second phase of the Holocaust. I treat the escapes from occupied Poland through Slovakia and Hungary and on to Mandate Palestine, which I write about in the second part of the introduction, as one of the ways of rescue - for many reasons available only to a few.

Translated with www.DeepL.com/Translator (free version)

The author analyzes a testimony submitted to the Central Jewish Historical Commission Just after the war by Józef Ubfal, who before the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising worked at a metal products factory at Bonifraterska St. 11/13, owned by Ivar Holger Mikkelsen. Ubfal recalls not only the fate of those who were on the premises of this factory in April 1943, but also the hitherto unknown attempt by a Danish citizen to save some Warsaw Jews. Mikkelsen, a pre-war businessman married Helena, née Zuckerwar during the occupation, made efforts to save his relatives, friends, as well as Jews employed at the factory he had taken over, including the Ubfal family.

After the liquidation of the Chełmno extermination camp, the post-camp areas remained unattended by local authorities for two months. On 1 April 1945, thanks to the personal efforts of Holocaust survivor Jakub Waldman, a commission of representatives of the authorities of the neighboring Turek county arrived at Chełmno. The results are the reports presented below, which testify to the knowledge of villagers and residents about the crimes committed by the SS-Sonderkommando Kulmhof. The materials collected by the commission were handel over to the Central Jewish Historical Commission in Łódź, which, on 26 May 1945, led to an on-site inspection of the former camp area by members of the Main Commission for the Investigation of German Crimes in Poland headed by Zofia Nałkowska, and then to the launch of an official investigation by the examining judge of the District Court in Łódź, Władysław Bednarz.

The article cites unknown accounts from the investigation and the first trial of more than a dozen functionaries from the Stutthof camp tried in Gdansk in the spring of 1946. The fate of the Jews at Stutthof was among the most important threads of the investigation, but the interesting materials collected at the time have not entered academic circulation. A unique feature of the Gdańsk trial was the presence at the trial of former Jewish inmates of KL Stutthof, men and women who recounted their experiences and observations. The article quotes and comments on some unknown early Jewish testimonies about the camp, given immediately after the war. The text is an extended discussion of the sources.

In Sandauer’s private archive there is a text written in Italian, that is a testimony about his life in the Sambor ghetto and his involvment in the works of the local Judenrat, a confession that has never been made by the writer in any of his texts written in Polish. By comparing it to a literary testimony from the period – novels published in a volume “The Liberal’s Death” (Śmierć liberała) I try to show how the German bureaucratic machine forced people to adjust to a new “morality” and how they became objects in its motion. The historical context is reconstructed thanks to publications such as Isaiah Trunk’s “Judenrat” and Raul Hilberg’s “The Destruction of the European Jews”. Zygmunt Bauman’s thought conveyed in his book “Modernity and the Holocaust” deepens the context of this analysis. I also argue that Sandauer’s novels were not widely received or popular, because they represented a strictly Jewish point of view, quite unique to Polish literature of the period, and quite unwellcomed.

The article explores the role of Polish Jewish organizations in investigations and trials of Holocaust perpetrators. It contributes a study of Jewish survivors’ agency in pursuing justice, their relationships with non-Jewish institutions and authorities, and the role of the international networks in these processes. At the center of the article are the Jewish national institutions operating in Poland in the 1940s, which represented the survivors and served as intermediaries between them and the authorities. In the conditions of anti-Jewish hatred, mass displacement, and the strengthening of communism in Poland, Jews treated collecting evidence and pursuing justice as a national mission, and perceived Jewish institutions, in this case the Central Committee of Polish Jews, as representatives of the victims and the Jewish people. The exchange of information between survivors, domestic and foreign Jewish communities, and lobby with national and international authorities, have provided a chance to supply lacking documentation and witness accounts, potentially increase the rate of punishment for perpetrators in Holocaust-related trials, and allow survivors to fulfill their moral obligation.

The article discusses reactions of readers to Jerzy Turowicz’s text Antisemitism, published in March 1957 in Tygodnik Powszechny. It presents their way of thinking about Jews, dominatem by resentment, hostility, and perception of Jews as outsiders. He notes the presence of such a pattern in diverse areas (religion, past, politics, economy, culture), and locates it in a historical context. It also describes the readers and analyzes their emotions.

The article focuses on the presence of music in the commemoration of the various anniversaries of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. The author creates the category of “musical commemoration” through which she describes the ways, strategies, and forms that both composers and those responsible for the construction of the program have adopted and are adopting. Describing the repertoire of anniversary concerts and celebrations, she also outlines the historical and political changes that are also noticeable in the choice of compositions and the nature of the events. It also addresses the subject of new works commissioned by various artists and their role, importance and relevance to the commemoration of the fighting in the uprising. The article seeks to explain why the role of music during the celebration so crucial, and what content the organizers’ repertoire choices is may carry.

The “Around us a Sea of Fire” exhibition is the most important exhibition about the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising in recent years. Stripped of pathos and pomp, it looks at the fate of ordinary people who decided to survive hell at any cost. It allows us touch their experience and creates conditions for contemporaries to understand what people are capable of. Both the one that kills and the one that tries to survive.

In 2020, a new permanent exhibition opened at the Jewish Museum in Berlin. It tells the story of the Jews in Germany from the Middle Ages to the present. The chronological route is interspersed with thematic “islands” showcasing Jewish culture, tradition and religious practices. One of the main differences from the previous exhibition is that much more attention Has been paid here to the period of National Socialism. This part of the exhibition also seems to be the most innovative in both content and form. Preserving its cognitive nature, at the same time it takes the form of an art installation. However, the designers do not use elements of staging, on the contrary, the installation is highly abstract, shying away from any literality. The exhibition is also characterized by minimalism in the selection of exhibits. Perhaps it is here, at the intersection of history and art, that a new space of exploration opens for curators and designers of historical exhibitions, a third way between dry historical documentation and staging of the past.

The text tells the story of attempts to establish the identity and circumstances of the death of eight people of Jewish origin, whose remains were encountered in February 2017 in a disused adit in the village of Potok Senderki (Lublin Province).

Nechama Tec was born in 1931 into the Bawnik family, which had lived in Lublin for several generations. Her father Roman owned two small factories, while her mother Estera was a homemaker. Nechama was already interested in other people as a child. She would ask why, what they did and how they did it. Her father believed that children should know as much as possible, including about the increasingly oppressive wartime reality. According to Tec, this is what saved her and her sister when, as Catholics in successive homes, they hid with or separated from their parents. The entire Bawnik family of four survived. In 1950, Nechama married Leon Tec, a child psychiatrist, and two years later the couple emigrated to the US; there their two children were born ...

Professor Michal Glowinski had been affiliated with the Institute of Literary Research of the Polish Academy of Sciences since 1958, and was awarded the title of Professor of Humanities in 1976.

He chaired the Scientific Council of the IBL for many terms.He was a co-founder of Towa- rzystwo Kursów Naukowych, and published his works on newspeak in the second circulation.Prof. Glowinski's scholarly summation is the five volumes of his Selected Works in the series "Classics of Contemporary Polish Humanist Thought" edited by Ryszard Nycz, published in Cracow by Universitas.However, these are only selected works.Outside their precincts remain numerous books, articles, and collective volumes edited by him.

I met Pawel in 1984, when he was teaching a class on the history of sociological thought at the UW Department of Sociology.
Many students from other departments came to these popular seminars, including me, a psychology student. A group of friends formed there, and we began to meet at private seminars, to which we invited speakers and discussed, including with Marcin Król about ideas, and with Stefan Marody about "Simply" and anti-Semitism or 1968. Friendly relations also fostered joint trips to the mountains - in summer or winter.

Article published exclusively online

The article focuses on the discovery made by the author concerning the documents of the underground counterintelligence operations within the Warsaw District of the Home Army. This archival material sheds light on the individual who divulged information to the German Criminal Police regarding the whereabouts of several dozen Jews were sheltered (within the "Krysia" bunker situated at 81 Grójecka Street), including the esteemed historian Emanuel Ringelblum. For decades, this matter has been the subject of speculation. The evidence suggests that Marian Nowicki, a construction entrepreneur, likely acted as the informant, with indications pointing to his affiliation with police structures. It is reported that Nowicki received monetary compensation for his betrayal, along with assurances of future remuneration as a paid informant. However, the subsequent course of Nowicki's life remains obscure. What remains unequivocal is the absence of any clandestine investigative efforts to scrutinize this betrayal, thus leaving the informant's actions unaddressed and unpunished.